Tuesday, June 10, 2025

Tasmania 2025: The Election Cliff

No confidence motion in Premier Jeremy Rockliff passed 18-17.
By convention Rockliff will resign unless he can secure a fresh election from the Governor.
At this stage of term Governor should seek to appoint a replacement Premier if possible.
However it seems doubtful that a stable and willing alternative government can be formed as Labor does not appear willing to form a stable government without an election.
House is sitting to pass supply after which Rockliff will request election.
Election seems highly likely.
Earliest possible date July 19.  (Latest August 9 if election granted immediately).

Governor will not make an immediate decision as of Tuesday night.  
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Tuesday 9:40 A quick fresh post of where we are at ahead of today's sitting of State Parliament, much of this being a distilling of last week's article.  I will have some commitments during the day today and tomorrow so updates may not be instant if things happen quickly.

Last week the House of Assembly passed a motion of no confidence in the Premier Jeremy Rockliff with the support of ten Labor MHAs, five Greens, independents Kristie Johnston and Craig Garland, and Andrew Jenner who was with the Jacqui Lambie Network (or as I am now calling it, Notwork) then but has since been dumped.  

This early in the term a Governor should seek to appoint a replacement Premier if one can be found who can satisfy Her Excellency Barbara Baker that they will have the support of the house on confidence and supply matters at least for a reasonable time.  However there has been no signs whatsoever of such a replacement emerging.

In the Governor's absence, the Lieutenant-Governor Chris Shanahan determined last week that Parliament is to sit again today for the purpose of passing interim supply for paying frontline workers, following which the Premier will meet with the Governor.  At this stage, Jeremy Rockliff is set to remain Premier and leader of the Liberal Party going into that meeting, at which he will advise that an election be held assuming that Dean Winter is unable or unwilling to form government instead.  It is not known whether the Lieutenant-Governor's decision mirrors Rockliff's specific advice on the way forward, if any.  

While there has been any amount of Hung Parliament Club nonsense suggesting that the Governor might command Dean Winter to take over against his will or send him back into the House as Premier just in case he might have the numbers, it is more in keeping with convention that the Governor should only appoint Winter if he is willing and clearly able to command confidence and supply.  There is no sign that Winter will make any attempt to demonstrate this in the form of providing letters of support from the Greens especially.  As Anne Twomey notes in The Veiled Sceptre, in the recent several decades Governors and their equivalents have become less easily convinced that they should appoint a new Premier mid-term unless it is clear that that new Premier has support on supply and confidence.

There is also no public sign so far of any pathway to a different Liberal leader taking over.  Indeed assuming that Rockliff doesn't resign, any alternative would need to have their foot under the door in the form of a leadership challenge mighty soon, never mind the challenges of navigating a new agreement with rhe crossbench.

There continue to be claims that Labor don't know what they are doing and didn't expect to be here.  The claim that Labor didn't expect their motion to pass is simply not credible given that the Greens had been chomping at the bit to dispose of the Government for months.  There is also a claim that Labor were simply trying to get rid of Rockliff and didn't expect the Liberals to back him and risk going down with the ship, but that too gives them very little strategic credit (it's not that difficult to work out that any alternative would have to make major concessions for a fragile peace with the crossbench perhaps leading to a heavier defeat not far down the road).

I'll add updates as or shortly after things happen.  Assuming there is an election I intend to post my main election guide page tonight, with unrolls of state pages in coming days.  

10:00 ABC reports Rockliff will address the parliament for 10 minutes at the start of the session.  

10:05 No sign of that yet - the Supply bills are now being introduced and "debated".

10:25 The first Supply bill has been passed by the Assembly.

10:30 As has the second.  Speaker Michelle O'Byrne is now advising, as expected, that she will retire at the next election whenever it is held and she is now giving a valedictory speech.

10:40 All done and the House is now adjourned, off to the Council which sits at 11 am.

11:07 The Legislative Council has introduced the Bills and is suspended for a briefing.

11:48 This could be a blink and you miss it resumption (I'm not completely sure it hasn't already happened), what I expect is the Council will pass the Bills sometime before too long then the Premier will soon be off to Government House.

12:50 And ... there is apparently at least one error in the supply bills which is causing a delay.  The Mercury has reported the error was found during the briefing of Legislative Councillors.  A question here is the way forwards and whether the Council can amend the Bills or whether the Assembly will have to reintroduce them.  Welcome to Tasmania where the Government cannot even collapse in an orderly fashion.

2:45 Debate is on in the Legislative Council now.  The error was in figures for the Department of Premier and Cabinet, a typo where 26862 was entered as 28862.  Ruth Forrest is raising concerns about the lack of provision for Marinus Link to proceed among other matters.  

4:05 The first Supply Bill has passed the Council with a request to amend.  

4:11 As has the second.  The sitting is suspended - I believe this has to go downstairs and then may have to return to the Council for approval as the Council cannot amend supply.

4:23 We're back downstairs ... for about two minutes.  The amendment has been approved.  

4:49 And the ping-pong game is over and Jeremy Rockliff is on his way to Government House.  While we wait for further word, worth noting that Michelle O'Byrne's departure leaves Labor's most senior MHA as Shane Broad (elected 2017) or arguably Josh Willie (elected to the Legislative Council in 2016).  This is the first time Labor have ever had nobody with a decade's service since the party had been in power more than a decade.  Of the seven Labor MHAs elected/re-elected since 2014, Bryan Green, David Llewellyn, Scott Bacon, Lara Giddings and now O'Byrne have all retired, Rebecca White has gone federal and Madeleine Ogilvie is now a Liberal.  

6:38 The Premier has left Government House.  An announcement of unknown content is expected soon,

6:45 The Governor will not make an immediate decision.  She is right to be exploring all options carefully even if as currently seems to be the case an election cannot be avoided.  In particular she will need to hear from possible alternative Premiers, at the least including Dean Winter. The Governor will meet with Premier (for now) Rockliff again before the week is out.

Tuesday, June 3, 2025

Labor Tables No Confidence Motion In Premier Rockliff

No confidence motion in Premier Jeremy Rockliff passed 18-17.
By convention Rockliff will resign unless he can secure a fresh election from the Governor.
At this stage of term Governor should seek to appoint a replacement Premier if possible.
However it seems doubtful that a stable and willing alternative government can be formed as Labor does not appear willing to form government without an election.
House will sit on Tuesday to pass supply after which Rockliff will request election.
Election seems most likely but there are paths by which it might be avoided. 
Earliest possible date July 19.  

In-theory alternatives:

* Rockliff resigns, new Liberal Premier (no-one yet appears willing, unclear they would command confidence)
* Mid-term transfer to Labor (Labor appears unwilling to govern with Green support)
* Crossbench Premier (very unlikely either major party would support)

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Things might come to a head quickly here or it might be a fizzer but I thought I should put something up following today's news that Opposition Leader Dean Winter has used his budget reply speech to table a no confidence motion in Premier Jeremy Rockliff.  

For those watching from afar, the Liberals were re-elected in minority at a March 2024 snap election that they went to because defections had cost them the majority they won at the May 2021 election and rendered the parliament unstable.  The new parliament saw the Liberals with 14 of the 35 seats, Labor 10, Greens 5, Jacqui Lambie Network 3 and three independents.  The Liberals formed government with the support of the three Lambie MPs via an agreement that overly restricted the latter, and also via a more conventional agreement with ex-Labor independent David O'Byrne.  It has been widely claimed (including by the government) that they also had a supply and confidence guarantee from another independent Kristie Johnston but it's not true; Johnston's support was highly conditional and her letters were best viewed as outlining how she would approach confidence and supply matters.

The Lambie Network state party disintegrated with two MPs Miriam Beswick and Rebekah Pentland quitting the party to sit as independents in August 2024; oddly they ended up continuing to grant confidence and supply to the government while remaining MP Andrew Jenner did not.  

The government has had a bumpy ride already in the confidence department.  In October it threw then Deputy Leader and Treasurer Michael Ferguson under the bus after David O'Byrne announced he had no confidence in Ferguson, who was under the pump over the Spirit of Tasmania ferries docking debacle.  Ferguson resigned and went to the backbench.  In November the Greens moved a no-confidence motion citing the government abandoning mandatory precommitment for poker machines.  This led to a farcical day in which Labor announced they had no confidence in the government, tried and failed to amend the Greens' motion to remove all the reasons from it, then voted against the original motion which was supported by only the Greens and Johnston.  Labor has since criticised Johnston for repeating that she had no confidence in the Government.

On May 6 this year (nobody noticed) the Greens sought leave to move another no confidence motion, this time over the proposed Macquarie Point stadium; leave was refused with only the Greens, Johnston and fellow independent Craig Garland supporting debating the motion.  

This one, however, could be serious.  Today Opposition Leader Dean Winter tabled this motion:


Winter stated that he would move this motion if satisfied that the crossbench supported it.  At the time of writing all of Johnston, Garland and Jenner have stated they would support the motion.  Pentland and Beswick have said they would not.  David O'Byrne has criticised the Opposition for tabling the motion without consulting the crossbench and has also attacked Labor for being indecisive about confidence but has said he would consider the motion if moved (his Facebook post sounds pretty unimpressed).  This seems to leave the ball in the court of the Greens, who are considering their position.  Greens Leader Rosalie Woodruff was absent today.

[UPDATE: Facebook screenshots of David O'Byrne comments are circulating that suggests he will not back the motion if it threatens the proposed stadium, which he supports.]

Where to from here?

After twice moving no confidence in the Government themselves the Greens would have a lot of explaining to do to their voters if they did not support this motion to bring it down, even if they didn't particularly agree with all the text.  The Government would in effect become a Greens-supported Liberal government similar to the Rundle years.  

If Labor moves the motion with Greens support and the support of Johnston, Garland and Jenner then it will pass conditional on the casting vote of  Labor Speaker Michelle O'Byrne.  If David O'Byrne also votes in favour or even abstains then the Speaker will be saved the trouble, but I'm not that sure how lucky she will be on that.  A casting vote from an Opposition Speaker to depose a Premier could be contentious in view of neutral chairing conventions to preserve the status quo (Michael Polley voting out the Gray government in 1989 could be distinguished because that government never had the confidence of that Parliament in the first place.)

In the event of the motion passing Premier Rockliff will be obliged to resign (or dismissed if he fails to do so) unless he can convincingly argue that the loss of confidence is temporary and confidence will soon be recaptured.  (That proviso applies, for instance, if a no confidence motion passes only because some MPs are absent).   

It is also possible that if it is clear he does not have the numbers, Rockliff will resign to avoid defeat on the floor. 

In either case the Governor will seek to appoint a replacement Premier. This can be anyone in the Parliament who is willing to be appointed and who the Governor considers has the best chance of maintaining supply and confidence, ideally for some time.  This early in the term, it is very unlikely the Governor would accept advice for a fresh election if anyone else was viable and willing to serve as a replacement Premier.  

As the motion refers specifically to the current Premier, in theory the replacement could be a Liberal but in practice it is hard to see that working smoothly for very long - the problems the crossbench and Opposition have with this government are not specific to its leader.  Any replacement who was willing to accept the job with crossbench support would be seen as having betrayed Rockliff and the fallout within a party reeling from a federal smashing in the state could be very ugly.  However Rockliff could make this easier by resigning before any replacement sought crossbench support; the question still being would they get it and at what cost.  

Assuming potential Liberal replacements held the line the Governor would most likely send for the Opposition Leader and ask Dean Winter if he was willing and able to govern, and only if unconvinced that these things were both true after consulting with the crossbench (the latter re "able") would she move on to much less likely candidates.  In theory it is even possible for a crossbencher to become Premier though that crossbencher would need support of at least one major party, which seems unlikely.  

Finally if no-one can be found who is willing and able to form a new government that can realistically expect the confidence of the House, the Parliament is deemed to be exhausted and a fresh election is then called.  A caretaker Premier would be appointed to request the election.  

If Premier Rockliff seeks an election while the no confidence motion is pending then that request should by convention be refused.  If it passes he could request an election but he would no longer have standing to be the Governor's advisor so his request could be ignored and would be if there was any viable alternative.  (The government would not want an election now anyway if it could avoid one).  It is possible that if the motion passes and no alternative government could be formed, then Rockliff might be kept in office conditional on calling an election immediately.  

Clearly Labor are emboldened by their massive federal result in the state, followed by a Legislative Council election in which they easily retained Pembroke with an attractive vote in Liberal-leaning booths while the Government was thrashed in Nelson and Montgomery.  The recent EMRS poll, while not showing Labor up to much, showed Liberal primary vote support at its lowest level since the Liberals were in hapless opposition to Labor's Bacon/early Lennon glory days.  And I am not sure how many voters care about the dry subjects of debt and budget management but I believe Labor are on a winner in picking out asset sales especially.

Stadium Implications

I have seen several supporters of the Macquarie Point stadium criticising Winter for tabling the motion and arguing that the stadium is in jeopardy.  However, at present there is bipartisan support for the stadium which will return to the Parliament at the end of the Project Of State Significance process.  A mid-term change of government or an election with a change of government don't seem to threaten the stadium unless at some point the Liberal Party walks away from it ("we have heard the message from voters" etc under a new leader).  An early election would play havoc with the Government's attempt to fast-track approval of the stadium but that seems hardly necessary to it proceeding and may well have been dead in the upper house anyway.  I asked Chris Rowbottom about this and he suggested that an early election would push out timelines sufficient to kill off the project.  

Updates to follow; even if nothing happens here I hope that laying out the ground for where a successful no-confidence motion could go will be useful for next time!

UPDATES WEDNESDAY 4TH: 

* A further complication is that the Governor is away so the Lieutenant Governor Chris Shanahan is currently in charge at Government House.  However I would expect the Governor to be consulted or to return post haste.  

* 9:40 GREENS SUPPORT MOTION: Rosalie Woodruff has tweeted that the Greens will support the motion.  

* 9:45 Labor will move the motion at 10 am.  

* 10:04 Dean Winter is moving a motion to suspend standing orders to move a motion of no confidence.  

* 10:15 Parliament House webcast has crashed under the load.  Eric Abetz is replying so debate on the SSO is continuing.  

* 10:30 Standing orders have been suspended quickly and onto the substantive motion - speeches may go much of the day depending on how many want to speak.  

* 11:00 A comment I made above that "anyone in the Parliament" could become Premier has taken an unusual turn with a tounge in cheek offer from MLC Ruth Forrest!  When I made this comment I had in mind the lower house only but for the record it could in theory be a Legislative Councillor and indeed several of the 19th century Premiers were Legislative Councillors; in more recent times Legislative Councillors have served for instance as Treasurer (Michael Aird). 

* 11:05 ABC News is currently livestreaming the debate.   Not sure how long this will continue.

* 11:30 Shannon Wells is livestreaming the debate on Twitter for those with access.  Jeremy Rockliff has finished his speech and Rosalie Woodruff is speaking.   

* 11:48 Rosalie Woodruff is moving an amendment to add stadium-related content.  I expect this won't pass and we will return to the substantive motion, but not sure how long the amendment will take.  

* 11:53 Labor will not support the amendment.  In theory the Liberals could support the amendment to embarrass Labor but Labor would probably just vote for the amended motion anyway.  

* 1:02 Bells are ringing for the vote on the Greens' amendment.  Interestingly Pentland and Beswick who are against the substantive motion are voting for the amendment which will fail.  [Update: And did, 10-24 with the entire crossbench bar David O'Byrne in favour.]  Debate resumes after lunch.

* 2:05 As the vote appears on track for a 17-17 tie there is a lot of attention on the question of the Speaker's casting vote and Westminster speakership traditions.  Pages are circulating from the Companion to the House of Assembly Standing Orders, which explicily refers to no-confidence motions as an example of something where the Westminster traditions would normally be taken to apply, but then the discussion also goes on to discuss considerations of proportionality.  Various governments (including this one in its previous majority terms) have shown that the convention does not apply to a government Speaker when the government has a majority of one and constantly needs to use their casting vote to win the day. 

* 2:40 Oh the humanity!  Dean Winter and Josh Willie have been EXPELLED from the Yes Team, Yes Stadium Facebook group!  I am not sure they will ever recover ...

* 2:50 David O'Byrne has restated that his support is for Premier Rockliff only, not necessarily any Liberal MP.  He's also complaining that Dean Winter's communications with him have been confined to "cursory hellos".  It looks like he is lining up to vote against the substantive motion.

* 4:00 Andrew Jenner has confirmed he will vote for the motion and has said he is open to working with either side going forwards.  Meanwhile the web feed remains in a parlous state.

* 5:50 Miriam Beswick has confirmed she will vote against the motion.  This could still have a long way to go, by my count we are up to about speaker 13 of potentially 34.  

* 6:05 The Australian is running a line that Winter was just trying to wedge the crossbench and did not expect them to support his motion.  I'm unconvinced this is the case.  Whether he knows what comes next is another question - it may be that a deal has already been done or it may be that Winter figures that all of the possible outcomes are good.  

* 6:23 The expression "possum on crack trying to load a dishwasher" is on its way to Hansard immortality (Kristie Johnston quoting Andrew Wilkie if I remember correctly). 

* 7:40 Debate adjourned - there was a division on adjourning or not but Andrew Jenner voted for adjourning so it looks like we will come back tomorrow at 10 am. 

In 1989 when Robin Gray chose to "meet the parliament" and make them vote him out, Labor and the Greens refused to adjourn with the key amendment to turn the Address of Reply into a statement of no confidence finally passed at 7 am,  In 1956 when the Cosgrove government was able to secure a dissolution for a very early election despite a defection giving the Liberals a floor and overall majority, the fact that they had been able to secure an adjournment was one of their arguments that they still controlled the House.  In this case I am not sure if the adjournment gives the Government any usable new tactical options.  Is there anything left they can negotiate or are the crossbenchers (as it seems) not for turning?

There have been cases of leaders - very controversially - getting Westminster parliaments prorogued in order to try to avoid no-confidence motions (Tasmania's example being Harry Holgate 1981) but I am not aware of any case where prorogation has been granted with a no confidence motion in progress and apparently set to succeed - and a prorogation even if granted would not be very long as Supply still needs to be obtained.  At the very least the Governor would be entitled to say no, and should say no. 

UPDATES THURSDAY 5TH:

It's worth noting (re the Speakership conventions debate) that Michelle O'Byrne can choose to vacate the chair and go to the floor and vote there (giving the motion a floor majority).  There was some discussion of this on ABC this morning with former Premier Peter Gutwein mentioning the possibility and saying he hopes it doesn't occur.  

Kate Crowley was quoted on the ABC yesterday as saying the Premier could just advise the Governor to ignore the no-confidence motion and it would blow over.  This option by convention only applies where the Premier can argue a convincing path to recapturing confidence.  It most often applies in cases where a no-confidence vote does not truly represent the numbers because a seat is vacant or a member is away.  Neither applies in this case.  

10:00 Rockliff has said he if the motion succeeds he will go to the Lieutenant-Governor and request an election.  As noted if he has lost the confidence of the House his advice can be freely disregarded unless no willing and viable alternative exists (which may yet be the case).

10:10 Recent Liberal speakers have referred to the result of the election and argued that Tasmanian voters chose them.  However the 2024 election did not give any party anywhere near a majority and left deciding who would be the Government in the hands of the Parliament - which includes the possibility that at some point the Parliament might change its mind.  If voters had wanted the Liberals to govern untrammeled they would have given them another majority, as they did in the 2018 and 2021 elections only for both those governments to be unable to keep that majority full term.  

10:30 Dean Winter has said he will "not do a deal or form Government with the Greens".  So unless a crossbencher blinks or the Liberals throw Rockliff under the bus, that looks like an election.

11:15 Craig Garland is speaking and indicating his confusion with Labor's tactics but also saying he agrees with the propositions in the no confidence motion and is not happy that the Government has totally ignored his concerns.  He will vote in favour of the motion.

11:35 Rebekah Pentland is as expected speaking against the motion.  I have her as speaker number 26 with a maximum nine to go though I would expect Michelle O'Byrne and possibly Simon Behrakis not to speak.  It has been noted that no Labor MPs are speaking on the motion which may signify that they just want to get on with it. 

11:37 Michael Ferguson speaking now and getting stuck into Winter (it is always interesting to hear Ferguson speak after his own fate earlier in the term).  Still to speak by my tally: Behrakis (Lib - may not), Fairs, Shelton and Wood (Lib), Brown, Butler, Farrell (ALP) and Michelle O'Byrne (ALP - probably won't)

11:57 Labor's Jen Butler is now speaking so it may be we will also hear from the remaining Labor members which could keep things going a few hours, especially given the lunch break from 1-2:30.

1:00 I've been flagging that a caretaker Premier (probably Winter) could be appointed or Rockliff allowed to remain in office in a caretaker capacity for a few days to secure Supply.  An election takes a minimum 33 days to polling day and then almost three weeks to count, so that's taking us into very late July at the earliest before Parliament could sit again.  

1:16 As of lunch the 31st speaker Casey Farrell was on his feet, leaving Brown, Shelton, Behrakis and Michelle O'Byrne who have not spoken.  Debate resumes 2:30.  

1:50 EMRS has dropped results of its annual Budget survey, a panel poll of 500 respondents, with the Budget holding a net rating of -21 (26-47) and the stadium net -27 (30-57).

3:00 Just putting this here as a permanent record of the state of the previous two days.  Grrr!  Anyway debate has resumed - not long to go now!



3:03
On to Mark Shelton, possibly the last speaker. [EDIT: except Winter gets another half an hour if he wants it.]

3:40 Michelle O'Byrne is now outlining why she will vote for the motion, which was tied 17-17 all on the floor. The motion has passed on her casting vote. O'Byrne highlighted the need to pass Supply, so we may not be going direct to an election, but has mentioned there is provision for two months (just enough?)

4:26 Rockliff is off to the Lieutenant-Governor to request an election ... we await the colour of the smoke from Government House.  

5:15 The earliest posssible election date is July 12, which would in theory see the election count finish around July 26, but the TEC would want to allow an extra week to that in case of the need for a recount.  

5:35 For the third straight (possible) election, we are starting to see the usual nonsense about how the Lt. Governor should test the numbers in Parliament before calling an election.  Excluding the possibility of a caretaker Premier to secure supply then call an election, the Lt. Governor shouldn't be appointing a new Premier without being satisfied that that person is willing and able to form a government with some prospect of commanding supply and confidence.  In particular there is no point appointing an MP unwilling to accept appointment as they would just immediately resign.  There is also no point appointing someone who wants to be Premier but does not provide convincing evidence of some prospect of confidence and supply support - see Will Hodgman 2010 for an obvious precedent.  

5:55 Some attention on Dean Winter's comments in terms of whether he might accept government on a more than caretaker basis but without making any attempt to seek confidence from the Greens, so I will note that this hasn't yet been very explicitly ruled out.  Perhaps in the circumstances the Governor might consider this as different from 2010 if it was the only option and if the Greens indicated wilingness to support such an arrangement, but it's all speculation re whether Winter would even consider it.  

6:15 By my count previous premiers to lose no confidence motions since 1900: Elliott Lewis 1909, John Earle 1909 (a week later), Albert Solomon 1914, Walter Lee 1923, Harry Holgate 1982, Robin Gray 1989 (on meeting parliament after losing election), and now Jeremy Rockliff 2025.  I may have missed one or two.  Several others resigned or called elections to avoid the same fate.  By the way the Governor returns on Monday.

6:42 While doing an interview I heard that Premier Rockliff intends to meet with the Governor on Tuesday to request an election so we may be in suspense for a few days.

6:54 Yes Rockliff intends for parliament to sit on Tuesday to pass supply and then to visit the Governor to request an election.  He has already met with the Lieutenant-Governor who must have approved this course of action.  Effectively he is remaining as a caretaker to secure supply so frontline workers can be paid.  This will push the earliest possible election date to July 19.  

FRIDAY 9:30 Something I want to knock on the head (though I'm sure it won't stop people saying it) is the idea that Dean Winter has an obligation to become Premier now if the Governor wishes to appoint him for the purposes of attempting to form a stable government.  This seems to arise from the Governor's reasons following the 2010 election in which Governor Underwood said that David Bartlett had an obligation to form government.  However firstly that situation was different - Bartlett was the incumbent holder of the commission and an election had just been held.  Secondly the claim that Bartlett had such an obligation has been criticised eg by Anne Twomey here:

"The source of this obligation is not clear. Nor are there any obvious precedents for it. Certainly it is the case that if a government resigns (eg, after an election loss or a vote of no confidence), it remains in office in care-taker mode until such time as a new government is commissioned. Accordingly, if Mr Bartlett had resigned, he and his government would have remained in office until Mr Hodgman had been commissioned as Premier. This is not an obligation to ‘form’ a government, but rather to continue administering government as a care-taker until a new government is formed."

Anyone who a Governor commissioned who was entirely unwilling to serve in the circumstances could simply embarrass the Governor by resigning immediately.  Governors cannot compel anyone to be Premier, they can however persuade.  

4:00 The option of the Liberals continuing without Rockliff is getting attention since the delay until Tuesday has given time for the party to steer away from the election cliff if enough of them really want to do it.  The Fontcast has suggested the parliamentary party is not united behind Rockliff but the majority supports him.   Jonathan Duniam's comments were interesting today too.  It was clear from the speeches on the no-confidence motion that plenty of Liberals are genuinely emotionally loyal to Rockliff and that the party prevailing on him to resign would be messy.  Rockliff would really have to make the decision himself.  The new Premier would have to make major concessions to the crossbench, most likely starting with ditching the stadium.  It might not be many months before the crossbench, once the stadium was clearly dead, was back for more.  

5:00 Brad Stansfield has also announced on the above that he will not be working for the Liberal campaign in the event of an election on account of advice to keep Craig Garland onside being ignored. 

Friday night: I'll be otherwise occupied this weekend with infrequent updates (will be new article time soon!)  I checked to see whether any Australian government has ever won an election it was forced to after losing a no-confidence motion.  I found just one (vs numerous losses) - in Victoria 1921 the Nationalists under Harry Lawson were brought down by Labor and the Victorian Farmers Union (proto-Country/Nationals) but the election returned a virtually unchanged parliament and Lawson continued on.  

Monday night: LAMBIE DUMPS JENNER.  Jacqui Lambie as saying people shouldn't read it as her dumping Andrew Jenner as a JLN member, what, have they been consciously uncoupled or something?  Jenner was previously promised that Lambie would back him "to the hilt" in a future state election but has now been blindsided by her saying she will not endorse him, supposedly because she has to concentrate on being a Senator.  The election (if there is one) could be over before the Senate sits! Lambie could nominate Jenner as a JLN candidate and tell him he needed to do his own election campaign, funding and paperwork.  Jenner does not deserve this, he has been loyal to a fault.  Pentland and Beswick did not deserve their treatment by Lambie either.  The Jacqui Lambie Notwork (yes you see what I did there) has now elected five people who are not Jacqui Lambie and all five have been kicked out, dumped or become mysteriously estranged.  That's a disunity strike rate even One Nation would struggle to match.  

Tuesday: New article


Sunday, June 1, 2025

2025 Senate Notes Part Two

This is part two of a detailed review that I write after each Senate election.  See part one for a general introduction and coverage of proportionality, winning vote shares, preferencing impacts and the curse of Inclusive Gregory.  This part covers Senate 2PP, How to Vote cards, just-voting-1, exhaust, informals, below the lines, and poor performances.

Senate 2PP

Senate 2PP is useful especially for looking at personal votes in the House of Representatives - how an MP does in Reps 2PP relative to their party's Senate 2PP in similar seats may give an insight into how popular they are.  I determine Senate 2PP by adding the above-the-line two-party preferred vote between the two major parties to the below-the-line two-candidate preferred vote between the lead candidates of the two parties.  It has only been a useful measure to calculate since Group Ticket Voting was abolished.

Because preferences in the Senate are semi-optional, Senate 2PP can tend to amplify a clear winner because of exhausted votes, and it also tends to favour Labor in that the 2PP exhaust rate off Greens votes is very low compared to other parties.  The previous election Senate 2PPs were: 2016 50.08 to Labor,  2019 52.66 to Coalition and 2022 52.93 to ALP.  At this election Labor won the Senate 2PP 56.76-43.24, a 3.83% swing.

NSW 56.54 (+5.34)
Vic 57.13 (+1.21)
Qld 52.12 (+4.55)
WA 58.16 (+0.96)
SA 60.42 (+6.67)
Tas 64.00 (+8.96)
ACT 72.34 (+6.00)
NT 54.97 (+2.16)

Senate 2PP doesn't gauge the performance of other parties; thus Labor won three seats in Victoria with a lower 2PP than WA where it missed out.

Labor won the Senate 2PP in the 94 seats it won in the Reps, the six seats where it is known to have won the Reps 2PP without winning the seat (Clark, Fowler, Mayo, Wentworth, Warringah and Ryan), and eleven seats where it did not win (or in the case of Bradfield, may or may not have won) the 2PP: Bradfield, Berowra, Lindsay, Bowman, Longman, Canning, Curtin, La Trobe, Forrest, Kooyong and Casey (the last three only after adding below the lines), for a total of 111 seats.

How To Vote Cards

Much is made of Senate how to vote cards but not that many major party voters follow them and hardly any minor party voters do. Nonetheless getting onto a major party how to vote card can bolster a minor party's success if that major party's third candidate gets excluded, especially if the surplus is substantial.

Measuring how well how to vote cards are followed is often difficult because of local variants and undocumented changes.  I kept records of some Labor variants in Qld, NSW and Victoria.  For well-known parties the variants are often obvious, but for lesser-known parties they can be hard to spot.  


The numbers are the proportion of above the line votes for the party that copied the card (or one of the cards where there were variants).  This in general slightly overestimates how many of the party's voters as a whole copied the card, but the overestimates become larger in the states with high BTL rates (Tasmania and ACT) and for certain parties (especially the Greens).  

Overall in the mainland states 16-20% of Labor above the line voters, 25-31% of Coalition voters and 8-13% of Greens voters copied the cards.  The Coalition rates are similar to 2022, Labor and the Greens lower, One Nation higher but stil very low, and Trumpet of Patriots much lower than United Australia in 2022.  Follow rates for left micro-parties were negligible (especially Legalise Cannabis whose card was followed by two voters in NT and four in Tasmania, I suspect these cards were not widely available).  However Gerard Rennick People First had quite high follow rates, as did Australian Christians in Western Australia.

It seems that non-party how to vote cards, especially on the minor right, may have more influence than those of minor parties!  In NSW over 13000 - this is most of Warwick Stacey's victory margin though many of those voters would have preferenced One Nation anyway - copied a how to vote card issued by a website called Turning Point.  Recommendations by Topher Field were also copied by over 1000 voters in each of NSW and Victoria.  

The Coalition's how to vote cards have been blamed for the narrow victories by One Nation in New South Wales and Western Australia, but the number of voters following these cards was below the victory margin in both cases.  In WA had the Liberal card recommended preferences to Labor, Labor would have won, but that was never going to happen, the question was only were One Nation on or off.  In NSW the Coalition's surplus was only 0.045 quotas of which at most 0.0115 quotas followed the how to vote card; One Nation's victory margin was 0.0243 quotas.  In WA both the Liberal and National how to vote card votes passed on to One Nation following the Liberal surplus on National preferences.  The value of the surplus was 0.138Q.  However the surplus included at least 495,000 ballot papers of which at most 124,249 copied either Liberal or National how to vote card even after including cases that juggled the two (and the WA Nationals aren't really part of the Coalition anyway), which is at most 25.1% of the surplus (0.0346 Q).  Tyron Whitten won by slightly more than that, 0.0362 Q.   

Of course, one can say that publicity about the Coalition's decision to preference One Nation had an educative impact on the choices of voters who didn't follow the Coalition's how to vote card, but it can also be argued that that decision by the Coalition damaged their vote reducing what they had to pass on at any rate.  These things are unknowable unknowns - what is clear is that voters who preferenced One Nation by following a Coalition card could have omitted them and One Nation would still have won both seats.  

I mention in passing that while researching how to vote card orders I discovered a depressing example of gimmick party name voting.  In NSW of those voters voting above the line 1 Legalise Cannabis 2 Animal Justice Party, the most popular choice for 3 by far, with 21.6% of such votes, was Family First!

Just Voting 1

If a voter numbers just one box above the line their vote, while contrary to the instructions, is saved by the savings provisions and counts for the party they have chosen only. Here are the percentages of just-1 votes at this election (percentages are the share of just-1s out of all votes, whether ATL or BTL):



The 1-only rate rose modestly in NSW but was still lower than in 2019 where there had recently been a state election; everywhere else it was unchanged or fell except for ACT where there was a rise in Liberal just-1s.  (In 2022 the Liberals actually issued a just-1 card; this time their card was open.)

As in 2019 the lowest just-1 divisions were Franklin (0.76%), Clark (0.80%) and Ryan (0.82%) but again as in both 2019 and 2022 Ryan had the lowest proportion of ATLs as just-1s because of Tasmania's higher below the line rate.

Exhaust

Impressively, the rate of vote value exhaust at this election fell from 5.7% in 2022 to 4.0% this year, the lowest level since Senate reform! An increase in voters numbering beyond six boxes and the Coalition including One Nation on its how to vote cards are among the factors here, rogether with reductions in the number of party columns.  Exhaust increased from 4.4% to 5.8% in Queensland where a final seat contest of One Nation vs Gerard Rennick may not have been of interest to many left voters, but it fell from 6.3 to 3.4 in NSW, 6.9 to 4.5 in Victoria, 5.7 to 3.5 in WA, 6.6 to 2.6 in SA, 3.4 to 1.9 in Tasmania, 1.8 to 0.1 in ACT and 0.5 to 0.1 in NT.  (Exhaust in the Territories is highly dependent on how quickly people get elected.)

Informal Votes

Informal voting rose slightly in the Reps at this election (up 0.41% to 5.6% which is too high) and I will have more to say about the Werriwa and Watson disasters on that front in due course.    It's clear some seats just cannot cope with having more than seven candidates.  In the Senate however the informal rate was largely static, rising 0.03% to 3.45% with small increases in NSW and SA and small declines in Victoria and WA.

Below the lines

Prior to this election I saw a fair bit of nonsense on social media with various accounts banging on about the supposed need for voters to vote below the line to control their own preferences.  Much of this was coming from people who didn't seem to understand that "the line" applied to the Senate only, and what some really seemed to mean was that one shouldn't follow how to vote cards.  While it is useful for some people to vote below the line, for most it's completely unnecessary, and the message that preference harvesting is dead in Senate elections is increasingly getting out there. At this election voting below the line fell in every race, and fell to its lowest level since Senate reform in all races except ACT.


The 2025 race was the first that lacked significant below the line campaigns for individual candidates.  In Tasmania, Lisa Singh and Richard Colbeck (2016), Singh again (2019) and Eric Abetz (2022) had been prominent BTL candidates while in 2019 there was a large Jim Molan BTL push in NSW.  This election, nothing really to see.  

Last!

Last and best, the bit about dud performances!  

Australia's lowest scoring Senate candidate both by raw votes and percentage was Kirti Alle (Group T, Vic) with 29 votes (0.00071%) however that is nonetheless again the highest such score since the 1984 introduction of above the line boxes.  

Group T in Victoria was also the worst performed group with an above the line box, polling 0.05%.  Generally obscure non-party groups (of which there were thankfully few this election) poll poorly.  But plenty of recognised parties did poorly too.  The most consistent tailender was Australian Citizens which failed to reach 0.4% in any state and finished last among the named party groups everywhere except Western Australia (where it beat Socialist Alliance and FUSION).  FUSION didn't crack 0.5% at four attempts, nor Australian Democrats at three, and Socialist Alliance, Indigenous-Aboriginal, Great Australians and Australia's Voice all failed to get 1% in a single state.  Sustainable Australia somehow managed 1.2% in Tasmania (the donkey vote and the lack of choice on the left of the Tasmanian ballot would have helped there) but didn't get 0.5% in any other states.  The Libertarians also did far worse than under their old Liberal Democrats name, except in NSW where their joint ticket with GRPF and HEART held most of their previous vote.  

The issue of who below-the-line voters put last on their ballots if voting all the way through wasn't the same this year without Eric Abetz and Zed Seselja but for what it's worth the bottom-most Trumpet of Patriots candidates scored the most BTL lasts in every state except Queensland, which stopped a perfect sweep by giving the raspberry to the lowest Green.  The last One Nation and Libertarian candidates in NT and ACT respectively had the most BTL lasts in the absence of TOP.

A special dud performance award must surely go to the Liberals for their result in the ACT (I'm not saying it should go specifically to the Canberra Liberals either, it was far from being solely their faulr).  After Zed Seselja lost in 2022 there was some speculation the Liberals might be able to get their seat back if David Pocock took enough votes off Labor (and not, that said, on any kind of merit).  But the Canberra Liberals' campaign was disastrous, with the preselected candidate being accused of branch-stacking, which led to a vote by preselectors on whether to sack him, with 40% supporting doing so but he still continued.  Worse was to come in the campaign in the form of the federal Liberals' proposed public service cuts, which their candidate ended up trying to run against.  

Not only did the ACT Liberals lose the Senate 2PP to Labor 72.3-27.7 but they lost the 2CP to David Pocock even more heavily (75.6-24.4) and to the Greens (60.4-39.6), and even to ... the Animal Justice Party! (50.06-49.94).  (They did ward off Sustainable Australia by a massive 50.6-49.4, and we've seen above how Sustainable Australia went elsewhere!)

Yes it's Canberra, I know, but it's always been Canberra, and the Liberals have lost 45% of their primary vote in two cycles!  Had either Pocock or Labor not stood the Liberals still would not have won a seat in the ACT  Their performance here was so bad that it's not immediately obvious that they would have got a seat if there were four seats up for grabs.  (I believe they would thanks especially to below the line leakage from Pocock and Gallagher, but it's tricky enough to require detailed simulation - I'll add a firmer note on that when able.)  

I also mention that the Tasmanian Liberals' Senate performance was so bad that they lost the Senate 2CP vs Jacqui Lambie Network narrowly in every division, having never lost it in a single division before - but at least they managed to save their second seat with some breathing space in the end.  

That's all for another incredible Senate election, one that I wished I'd been able to do something closer to justice to in the postcount phase but the Reps was just far too distracting!  Huge thanks again to David Barry for his Senate Preference Explorer Andrew Conway for his ConcreteSTV Server, which allows simulations of outcomes with candidates removed or rules changed, and to the ABC for their archiving of most of the Senate How To Vote Cards.  Responsibility for any errors in using these fine tools is mine.

Saturday, May 31, 2025

2025 Senate Notes Part One

This is the latest in a string of articles that I write after each Senate election tracking certain themes in the Senate races.  Previous volumes in the series were called Senate Reform Performance Review, referring to the 2016 Senate changes that got rid of Group Ticket Voting.  I think now we've reached the point after four elections where it's very clear that the new system works very well indeed and needs no longer to be considered on probation, hence the shorter title.  For previous instalments see 2016 part one2016 part two2019 (single article) and 2022 (single article).  On the agenda for this issue are:  proportionality, winning vote shares (with a focus on the One Nation wins from behind), preferencing impacts, and the curse of Inclusive Gregory.  Part two covers Senate 2PP, How to Vote cardsjust-voting-1, exhaust, informals, below the lines,  and the fun bit about people who we wonder why they bother.   And yes that includes the ACT Liberals! 

I've decided again to split the article into two because the volume of material this time is a bit much for one go.  At least for my own feeling that I'm spending a lot of time on a single article that I haven't released anything from yet.  

In this article I treat Labor, Greens and Pocock as comprising the left of the Senate (in relative terms, this should not be taken as me declaring Labor to be an outright left-wing party) and Coalition, One Nation and UAP as the right (with Jacqui Lambie treated as neither though these days there is a case for treating her as left if anything).  

Proportionality

The late wins by One Nation were great for proportionality!  As usual, firstly here is the national votes to seats conversion (though this is a silly yardstick because the state-based malapportionment and the territories having only two-seat contests):



There were several joint minor right party tickets involving Libertarians, GRPF, Heart and Great Australians.  I have lumped these by lead party since obviously nobody else was getting a seat.  

Overall on a national basis this one shows Labor, the Greens, Coalition and to a lesser degree One Nation punching above their weight as a result of collecting preferences from parties with too little support to be in the fight anywhere.  Legalise Cannabis is hard done by because its support was too even to manage a win anywhere and there were not the same favourable preference sources available to One Nation.  On a simplified left-right basis the primaries are something like 56-44 depending on how one treats a few debatable cases and the left has done a little better but not much.  Even on this basis this is hardly a disproportionate outcome.

Now, the average of primaries in the six state contests compared to state wins (a better yardstick):


With this thrown in, disregarding the not very classifiable Lambie, there is basically no left-right imbalance; Labor and the Greens combined overperform on average by virtually the same amount as the Coalition and One Nation.  

Obviously the right holding only 15/36 state seats will be a big problem for the Coalition should it somehow win the next election and I expect it would be in an even bigger rush to a double dissolution in its first term than it would have been had it won this one.  

Had this election been a double dissolution I very roughly estimate the seat results at Labor 31 Coalition 24 Green 11 One Nation 6 and one each for Legalise Cannabis, Rennick, Lambie and Pocock.  However Legalise Cannabis were very narrowly behind Labor in NSW and Vic on my projection so might do better. My DD estimates by state are below. (Note that one cannot use ConcreteSTV when available to reliably simulate DD results because the major parties run out of seats.)  


Even in this landslide election, a DD would only give Labor an extra route to passing things that goes through One Nation and others.  For Labor the only plausible point in a DD in this term could be to use the joint sitting mechanism to resolve bills blocked by the Coalition and Greens. I'll be surprised if we see that.  

I don't see a need to again state in much detail the point that if we still had the Group Ticket Voting nightmare, close to a third of the seats at this election could have been won by unaccountable randoms, and the Greens and One Nation with a combined 17.4% of the vote between them would only be guaranteed one seat in a supposedly proportional system!  

Nor do I need to take too long pointing out that under the Senate system that was supposed by Sam Dastyari and co to deliver a permanently blocked Senate, the right (Coalition/One Nation/UAP) now has only 32/76 seats, six short of being able to block things care of Pocock, two JLN wins in Tasmania and left-right 4-2s in WA 2022 and Vic and SA 2025.  In fairness even the hack faction of 2016 federal Labor should not have been expected to think their party would ever have a win like this.  

Winning Vote Shares 

Of the 36 state seats, 22 (down 1) were won on raw quotas.  All seven leading candidates (in the top six after surpluses) with 0.7 quotas or more won easily.  Everyone with below 0.4 quotas lost.  In the range 0.4-0.7 quotas there were ten candidates of whom seven won and three lost.  The breakdown here was:

Labor: two wins and three losses (leading in both wins and two of the losses)
One Nation: three wins (leading in one)
Liberal: one win (leading)
JLN: one win (leading)

The two wins were by One Nation, beating Labor after starting with 0.411 Q vs 0.53 Q in WA and, more incredibly, 0.422 quotas vs 0.630 quotas in NSW.  They were not by any means low vote shares (5.87% and 6.06%), and indeed were similar to Labor's winning excess in Victoria and higher than Ralph Babet's 4% primary in 2022, though Babet was also elected fair and square. Which brings me to...

Preferencing Impacts

The big story of this Senate election was the improved performance of One Nation on preferences, even above their strong performances in previous elections.  Prior to this election based on the Reps polling I thought One Nation were a serious chance to win in all five mainland states.  Labor massively overperformed their Reps polling and One Nation underperformed theirs but One Nation were still able to grab two new seats from behind anyway - in the same two states where they had previously only won off lower vote shares at the 2016 double dissolution.

Four races (NSW, Victoria, South Australia, Western Australia) finished as Labor vs One Nation contests with Labor leading in all but holding on only in Victoria and SA.  However these contests varied in structure because the Coalition was short of its second quota in SA (and also in WA though there not if one includes WA Nationals) and because the Greens had further to go to reach quota in NSW.  

Here is a chart that shows how these counts fared, albeit in very wonky quota numbers form:


ALP, ON: ALP and ON start quotas
ALP+, ON+, GRN+,L-NP+: quotas gained by each of these in the count (set to 0 if already over quota)
EXH: exhaust
LW, RW: quotas held by left wing and right wing preference sources (RW includes Coalition in NSW and Victoria)
LG: quotas gained in count by Labor + Greens
RG: quotas gained in count by One Nation + Coalition (Coalition loss of surplus ignored as they are treated as a right preference source.

What happened in these contests overall was:

New South Wales:  There were slightly more right preferences than left and the gain by One Nation on these was only slightly better than Labor and the Greens combined, but Labor and the Greens were splitting votes two ways almost all the way, which made it easier for One Nation to catch up.  On 2022 preference flows One Nation wouldn't have got nearly so much as the Greens and Labor combined but this time the flows from minor right parties to them in this three-way split were much stronger and they did.

One of the factors here is the Libertarian/HEART/GRPF ticket, which replaced the Liberal Democrats.  In 2022 Liberal Democrats preferences split 32.8-16.5-29.6 Labor/Greens/One Nation.  In 2025 the Libertarian/HEART/GRPF ticket headed by Craig Kelly did far better than the Libertarian tickets outside NSW (which crashed and burned losing more than half their 2022 vote) and its preference split was radically different:  6.8-6.6-75.0. Similar flows were seen in other states with GRPF tickets, but Libertarian tickets were generally not quite that strong.  There has been a lot of talk about the weak flow off Legalise Cannabis to Labor at the end (partly a result of weaker Legalise Cannabis preferences in the 3CP split compared to 2022 and more strongly as a result of other votes that reached Legalise Cannabis) but by the time Legalise Cannabis were excluded, even a repeat of 2022 flows off them would not have quite saved Labor.  

In NSW the ALP primary was incredibly high, with a swing to Labor of 7.2% although the Reps primary vote swing was only 1.8% and even the Reps 2PP swing was only 4.3%.  There were Senate primary vote swings to Labor in the low double digits in the teal vs Coalition seats.  However, on a 3CP split with the Greens and One Nation, Labor's performance relative to One Nation weakened off all eleven parties that recontested from 2022. Labor was also underwater on this split off all four new parties added in 2025, whereas in 2022 it had benefited from four of the eight that did not recontest.  It is as if Labor so succeeded in maxing out its primary vote that there was nobody left to get preferences from. (Here I have treated UAP as the same as Trumpet of Patriots, and Liberal Democrats and Libertarians the same).  

Victoria: The difference between right wing and left wing preference sources was enough to beat Labor if the flow to One Nation was strong enough given that the Greens were soaking up votes, but the flow to One Nation was too weak; indeed the combined left parties held their side's votes as preferences much better than One Nation did.

Western Australia: Here the Greens and Liberals were almost equally short of quota and there were a lot more right-wing than left-wing preferences; the question being would the flow be strong enough for One Nation to close the gap.  It was, and enough spare to deal with the Liberals being slightly shorter of quota than the Greens.  A key shift here was the Australian Christians' preferences, which were far more favourable to One Nation than in 2022.  However, there were also shifts in the opposite direction with Trumpet of Patriots and especially Great Australians being less strong for One Nation than last time.  There were also new players like Gerard Rennick People First who were very strong for One Nation, so it's not clear that shifts in preferencing behaviour among recontesting parties alone caused this result.  

South Australia:  Again the Greens and Coalition were about equally short of quota.  The preference sources were more right wing than left wing but not massively.  The right didn't gain that much on preferences and the primary vote gap was too large for One Nation with the Greens close to quota.

The other interesting preferencing contest was in Tasmania, with a three-way race between the Liberals, Jacqui Lambie and Labor for the final seat.  The Liberals started well ahead of the others.  On 2022 preference flows Lambie was expected to overtake the Liberals who would have a relatively narrow win over Labor.  Lambie performed accordingly despite some expectations she might not, but the Liberals won far more easily over Labor than projected (more than 0.2 of a quota) largely because the One Nation preferences benefited the Liberals far more in Lambie/Liberal/Labor split than in 2022.

Inclusive Gregory Must Go!

Australia's Senate voting system is excellent and the counting system is mostly excellent but has a relic defect called unweighted Inclusive Gregory distortion that will someday elect a Senator who is not the voter's choice.  Parliament needs to stop this before it happens and not after!  For more on this problem that has been known for many years see Antony Green here.  

Under the system for distributing surplus votes in Senate elections, each vote that has reached a candidate who goes over quota during the count is given the same value going out, irrespective of the value it had going in.  In NSW votes that flowed through the surpluses of both Andrew Bragg and Jessica Collins had a value going forwards of about 0.022, meaning nearly all their value had been used electing Liberals.  There were 1.45 million of these votes.  About 90,000 of these that reached Mehreen Faruqi (Green) were given the same weight in her surplus as votes that had to that point never reached anyone. This meant that the Coalition surplus votes that had contributed about 0.26% of the value of Faruqi's total suddenly became worth over 10% of her 0.069 quota surplus and actually more than doubled in ongoing value!  These votes would have flowed more weakly to Labor than Faruqi's own votes and help explain why the flow off Faruqi's surplus was as weak as it was - though a better system would not have stopped One Nation winning.  When I'm in a position to quantify the exact impact of this distortion on the NSW and also WA counts I will add a note on it here.  

The Inclusive Gregory system for surplus transfers must be replaced with Weighted Inclusive Gregory before the next election.  It is way past time.  I don't want to ever have to say "we told you so" about this one.  

I expect to post part two in the next few days.  In advance I can say that voters following the Coalition's how to vote cards did not cause One Nation's win in either NSW or WA, although contributing in both cases. 

Wednesday, May 28, 2025

Goldstein Count History And Partial Recount

GOLDSTEIN (Vic, IND vs Lib est 3.9%)
Tim Wilson (Lib) has provisionally won by 260 votes
AEC has authorised a partial recount
Wilson will win unless large errors are found during partial recount

RESULT: Wilson won by 175 votes.   

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Updates

Updates will be posted here scrolling to the top.

Saturday 1:55: It's finally over, Wilson has won by 175 votes and the seat will be declared.  

Saturday 31st 11:35 am: The end cannot be far away as corrections are now showing to absents, dec prepolls and all booths except Hampton PPVC where only minor changes are expected though I do not know how many postals are to be checked.  Wilson leads by 164 following the expected Brighton corrections which actually cut his lead by 65.

Sunday, May 25, 2025

2025 Senate Button Press Thread

Welcome to my 2025 thread to cover the so-called "button presses" (in fact the execution of a computer routine) that distribute preferences for the Senate and determines the Senate results.  

I have not had nearly as much time to work on projecting the Senate counts this election as in the past because it's been impossible to get away from the complexity and number of the in-doubt House of Reps counts for long and because of other work commitments.  In particular I probably would have been able to call Tasmania if I had had the time to do a few days scrutineering (and had been able to find anyone willing to appoint me) but such things were not to be.  

On this thread states/territories will appear once there are no unapportioned votes shown as awaiting data entry.  Normally based on past practice the button press follows a few days after that with the declaration shortly after (in the absence of any recount request that might be caused by a micro-close margin).  Until I have seen a state reach zero unapportioned votes, commentary about it continues on the previous National Senate postcount thread.  

Saturday, May 24, 2025

Legislative Council 2025: Montgomery, Nelson and Pembroke Live And Post-Count

Montgomery: Casey Hiscutt (IND) won after preferences as expected
Nelson: CALLED (7:09 pm) Meg Webb (IND) re-elected
Pembroke: CALLED (7:33 pm) Luke Edmunds (ALP) re-elected

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All updates are unofficial, check the TEC site for official figures

Thursday 29th:  Unsurprisingly Hiscutt has done better than the Liberals on preferences; in fact he has won massively, 61.7-38.3 getting 76.9% of preferences that flowed to the two leaders (these figures are still subject to very minor change).   In Pembroke Ritchie snuck into second late in the primary count and moved 6.9% clear of Allan after preferences but still lost to Edmunds 58.2-41.8.  In all Ritchie got 59.2% of preferences.  In Nelson there will be no preferences; Meg Webb has 51.7%.  

Tuesday, May 20, 2025

EMRS: Government Trails Placebo Opposition

EMRS LIB 29 (-5) ALP 31 (+1) GRN 14 (+1) JLN 6 (-2) IND 17 (+5) Others 3
Independent is generic option - likely overstates support at actual election
Election "held now" would result in a very hung parliament



When Brad Stansfield tweeted the above spoiler yesterday it was easy to imagine what might have been coming.  At the recent federal election the Liberals were sent packing in northern Tasmania, losing Braddon and Bass with enormous swings and being thrashed in previously ultra-marginal Lyons.  There was a federal primary vote swing across the state of 9.3% to Labor and 8.4% against the Liberal Party.  Perhaps the federal election was a sign that the Liberal brand was more on the nose at state level than might have been expected and that Labor would be surging towards an election-winning position?  Or perhaps just the timing of the latest EMRS poll could see a degree of federal contamination such that state Labor picked up an afterglow from the federal triumph?  Well, no.  The poll is "wow!", unlike Peter van Onselen's infamous "Newspoll wow"s which were habitually followed by meaningless changes in the Newspoll.  But it is not the sort of "wow" that narrative would have expected.  

Instead, it's a tale that's been running for years - the ageing and stumbling Liberal government shedding and shedding more vote share and Labor still picking up little or nothing in this poll series.  Currently the government trails 29-31.  In August 2022 it led 41-31.   Tasmanians separate state and federal politics - strongly - and Labor is still not breaking out of the very low 30s.  The overall picture is that Labor is content to avoid rocking the boat, being as bipartisan as possible on wedge issues like the stadium and salmon farming, and wait for the government to fall over.  Presumably some point is eventually reached where the government is so on the nose that Labor support has to grow at least enough to make Labor the biggest party.  That said if we continue this trend indefinitely the crossbench will govern before they will.

2025 Late Postcount: Calwell

CALWELL (ALP 12.4%)
Basem Abdo (ALP) vs Carly Moore (IND) 
Abdo leading on primary votes during preference distribution
ALP retain 

I should have given Calwell its own page from the start but the unique nature of the count was not so obvious from the early primary figures which I covered on the seats where indies may make the final two page.  On the day after the election it was obvious that the very low major party primaries in a huge field in Calwell created an in-theory chance that independent ex-Labor mayor Carly Moore could get into the top two.  However soon after that, another independent, Joseph Youhana, surged, creating a unique situation where even a three-candidate preferred count was of no use as it could not be known for sure which independent (if either though very likely one of them will) would make the final three.  The AEC now has a distribution of preferences page up.   This is a familiar process to Tasmanian audiences as the TEC routinely does this for Legislative Council elections where stuff like this happens (OK that was an extreme case, only four candidates have won from third in LegCo history), but a new thing for federal elections.

The primaries in Calwell are:

Abdo (ALP) 30.51
Ghani (Lib) 15.7
Moore (IND) 11.94
Youhana (IND) 10.73
Garcha (GRN) 8.29
Moslih (IND) 6.86
Toma (ON) 3.76
Del Rosario-Makridis (LCP) 3.16
Hawu (Aus Citizens) 2.92
Bengtsson (FF) 2.57
Issa (TOP) 2.46
Ragupathy (IND) 0.56
Peach (unendorsed - unregistered Socialist Equality Party) 0.54

OSZAR »